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October 30, 2007

Brunell Looks at Competitiveness of the Palmetto State

In today's Columbian, Don Brunell uses his column to look at how South Carolina has positioned itself as a great place to do business. He starts with an event we all know well:

While parts for Boeing's new 787 "Dreamliner" are manufactured around the world, Washington elected officials should keep a close eye on South Carolina.

Vought Aircraft and Global Aeronautica, located at the Charleston International Airport, now manufactures half the 787's fuselage and state officials want more. Once assembled, the aft section is loaded on an enlarged 747 called the "Dreamlifter" and flown directly to Everett. Those facilities are brand new with the latest technology. They are striking evidence of South Carolina's manufacturing surge initiative -and state officials want more Boeing business.

He reminds us of the hurdles we had to leap just to keep the business here.

As Boeing's historic home base, Washington had an advantage with facilities and a trained workforce in place; however, because of our higher taxes and business costs, our state barely landed the final assembly plant.

Then he considers South Carolina's cost advantages.

For example, Washington's unemployment insurance costs for employers are five times higher than South Carolina. According to the 2008 WashACE Redbook survey, South Carolina's UI rates average $154 per employee compared to Washington's average of $803. ... As part of the state's effort to win the 787 assembly plant, the Washington Legislature approved unemployment insurance reforms. But in 2005, lawmakers, under pressure from the unions, backtracked on those reforms.

... South Carolina's lower business taxes are another lure for Washington manufacturers. For example, South Carolina ranks 34th in the nation, with private employers paying 42 percent of state and local taxes. Washington ranks 8th highest, with our private employers paying 53 percent.

Finally, South Carolina is a right-to-work state.

And he notes that our Legislature is considering policies that will hurt our competitiveness.

If lawmakers pass the so-called "union neutrality" bill, it could force Boeing contractors to reconsider their decision to stay in Washington. That bill would severely limit employers' ability to counter union organizing campaigns in the workplace.

If a company did not comply, it would have to repay the incentives authorized by the Legislature to entice those very companies to build manufacturing plants in our state.

Businesses like Boeing, he concludes, can move parts and materials freely around the world, often on Boeing jets.

They have ... choices - and too many states and foreign countries covet these family-wage jobs in today's highly competitive global economy.

A timely reminder.

 

 

Simple Majority and Rainy Day Fund Ahead in Washington Poll

The Washington Poll, a survey sponsored by the Washington Institute for the Study of Ethnicity and Race, tested voter opinion on the major statewide ballot issues and the roads-and-transit measure in the metro Puget Sound region. (I don't know why the group does these surveys, which look a little outside the mission statement, but data's always nice.)

While there's a lot of uncertainty out there, it looks good for backers of the rainy day fund (Constitutional Amendment 8206) and the simple majority to approve school levies (Constitutional Amendment 4204).

The Reject R-67 campaign is trailing, but there still a lot of undecided voters.

I-960 also looks too close to call. As does the Proposition 1 roads-and-transit measure.

Here's the breakdown among likely voters (margin of error +/- 4.8%)

I-960: 42% yes, 41% no, 17% undecided.

R-67: 64% yes, 31% no, 24% undecided.

8206 (rainy day): 62% yes, 16% no, 22% undecided.

4204 (simple majority): 58% yes, 31% no, 10% undecided.

Prop 1: 49% yes, 38% no, 13% yes.

The link to the poll takes you to several PowerPoint slides, slicing the numbers several ways. It'll take you to a recent look at approval ratings for the governor, legislature, president, and congress.

Peter Callaghan looks at the numbers in The News Tribune's Political Buzz blog. He may be right on the poll's most important finding:

The new Washington Poll was released last night and shows that most of the statewide ballot measures – as well as Puget Sound's Prop. 1 – are in the hands of voters who haven't made up their minds.

So if you haven't mailed in your ballot yet, expect to become very popular with the campaigns.

And Joel Connelly considers the poll in the PI's Strange Bedfellows blog.

MORE Rich Roesler writes about the poll here.

October 29, 2007

Seattle Times Endorsed I-960

Sunday's Seattle Times carried an editorial endorsing I-960. The paper has not made a habit of endorsing either the initiative process generally or Tim Eyman's approach to government specifically. But with respect to 960,

itiative 960 deserves the people's support. In this decade, the Legislature has raised statewide taxes on cigarettes, liquor, inheritances and gasoline. Initiative 960 makes further tax increases a bit more difficult, but still allows them...

And it goes on to count the ways.

This is not a great solution, but it's about all the people can do by ballot. We think it would have a wake-up effect on legislators.

If that sounds like "send them a message" to you, it does to me, too. A bit of a departure for the Times, which has generally staked out a skeptical-to-hostile approach to the initiative process. But any surprise we feel is compounded by Eyman's shock and delight. In one of his frequent emails to everyone - Subject line: WOWZA - Seattle Times endorses I-960  he writes,

When a dog barks, it's not news; when a cat barks, that's news.  The Seattle Times, the crown jewel and flagship newspaper in Washington, has now joined the Everett Herald, the Centralia Chronicle, the Yakima Business Times, and columnists Adele Ferguson, Elizabeth Hovde, and John Carlson in enthusiastically endorsing I-960.

More peculiar is this line from the email.

The Association of Washington Business is staying on the sidelines, officially neutral but tacitly supportive, unlike in the past.

True, AWB has often been on the other side of Eyman's initiatives. We did not take a position for or against I-960. That's not quite the same as neutral, but perhaps not much different, either. What it's not is tacit support. Still, i suspect years of being the outsider have led Tim to figure, "if you're not against me, you're with me." Not a bad philosophy in his position.

October 26, 2007

International Investors to Acquire PSE

This morning's report that Puget  Energy would be acquired by an international investment group surprised me. The Seattle Times story suggests that, at least initially, there wouldn't be substantial changes.

The company would remain headquartered in Bellevue and current management will be retained, the statement said. It will continue to honor its existing collective bargaining agreements with three union locals.

And this sounds good.

In addition to buying Puget Energy's existing public shares, the investment consortium said it will infuse another $300 million in new capital to fund the company's ongoing construction program and operational.

The Seattle Post-Intelligencer has more.

The consortium believes the utility is strong and stable with "a growing customer base in a market that has displayed consistent demand over time," said Christopher Leslie, chief executive of Macquarie Infrastructure Partners.

"Those characteristics, along with the strong existing PSE management team, are appealing to the Consortium's investors, most of whom are U.S. and Canadian pension funds and institutions," he said in a statement.

"We are firmly committed to providing PSE with the capital necessary to maintain and improve its existing delivery infrastructure and to further explore and develop more energy efficient programs and new sources of renewable power."

After the merger is complete, the company will be privately held and its stock will not be publicly traded. It is traded on the New York Stock Exchange. Shares were up 16 percent to $27.80 in midday trading.

Here's a bit about the acquiring group.

This may be a good deal for everyone. Still, there's something unsettling about the acquisition of iconic Washington businesses.

Coverage of the Rossi Announcement

The dailies all give extensive coverage to Dino Rossi's entry into the 2008 gubernatorial race and Gov. Chris Gregoire's response. (Gregoire has said she'd announce after the legislative session, although no one doubts that she's running.) Most of the stories touch on the expected themes of what will be a long campaign season.

The Spokesman-Review:

... Gregoire spoke to reporters in Olympia and said she's proud of her three years in office. A $2.2 billion state-government shortfall has moved to a $1.5 billion surplus on her watch, and the state's made key investments in education and health care, she said.

"All we have to do is ask ourselves: Are we better off as a state today than we were three years ago?" she said. "You bet we are."

Rossi countered that the state's economy might be good for big business in Washington, but the state is still seeing a high number of small business failures. Boeing and Microsoft are doing well, he said, because in the strong national economy people are buying airplanes and software.

"The national recovery has spilled over onto the state," he said. "She's taking credit for things she has nothing to do with."

Ralph Thomas in the Seattle Times has fun with numbers.

Rossi, a former state senator and budget writer, used a lot of numbers to show Washington is on the wrong track.

He pointed out that, under Gregoire, state spending has increased more than 30 percent and more than 6,000 people have been added to the state payroll. He said the state "has no idea where more than 1,300 sex offenders are," referring to offenders who have failed to register with the state. He pointed out that two-thirds of the state's 10th-graders fail to pass all portions of the Washington Assessment of Student Learning.

But there are other numbers that don't bode well for Rossi, including:

• 4.8 percent: Washington's unemployment rate last month, a slight increase from the historic low rate set last spring.

• Fifth: Where Forbes Magazine recently ranked Washington on its list of "best states for business."

• $1.5 billion: The state's latest projected budget surplus for next year.

• $3 million: The amount of money Gregoire has raised already for her 2008 campaign.

• 27: The number of years since Washington voters elected a Republican governor.

Also good stories in The News Tribune, the Herald, and the Olympian.

October 24, 2007

R-67: Postman on the Milliman Study

Wednesday afternoon, David Postman at his blog took a look at the credibility of the report by actuarial consulting firm Milliman that is used by the Reject 67 campaign to contend that enactment of the law could result in an increase in the average consumer's insurance rates of up to $205 per household in Washington, or $650 million in the aggregate, each year.

Postman points out that Milliman is also involved in the Insurance Commissioner's efforts to pencil out a universal health care plan.  So, he ponders, if Kreidler is aligned with the pro 67 campaign saying insurance rates will not increase, but Milliman says rates will increase, where is the credibility, and does criticism of Milliman's impartiality over its R-67 projections call into question its impartiality in any of its projects, including Kreidler's universal health care plan? 

Good question.  He also posts a response from the pro campaign's spokeswoman, who predictably objects that the Milliman report was commissioned by the Reject 67 group, and that national "consumer groups" don't think Milliman is an independent source.

Well, now.  Of course the report was commissioned by the campaign.  And if its findings came out otherwise, no one would have ever heard about it.  Not much different from a candidate's campaign commissioning a poll, and then releasing its results when it finds out the results confirmed the candidate's lead.  Why would anyone else spend the money to obtain a consulting report to test the hypothesis the campaign hopes to establish?  And then reference the report when it turns out to confirm it?

And of course Milliman works with the insurance industry.  It's an consulting firm made up of actuaries.  They provide independent reviews of ratemaking and reserving decisions that insurers make.  I know from sitting on the Labor & Industries Workers' Compensation Advisory Committee that L&I has for years used Milliman to obtain outside actuarial advice on its $12 billion industrial insurance fund. 

Milliman, based in Seattle (not Wisconsin, has some reports have suggested), is one of the largest property & casualty actuarial consulting services in the world.  I have a hard time believing it would stake its professional reputation and credibility on cooking up a dummy report to parrot the preferred positions of a political campaign on a statewide issue in an election year.

To dispute the report's conclusion, critique the merits or reasonableness of the methodology and data.  Hire another actuarial firm to review the reasonableness of the approach.  The other stuff -- red herrings.

US Solicitor General Urges Supreme Court to Hear Ca. Union "Neutrality" Case

SCOTUSblog, the top source of information on the United States Supreme Court, reports that the United States Solicitor General has weighed in, urging the Supreme Court to hear the appeal of the California Chamber of Commerce in a case challenging the validity of California's labor "neutrality" law.  From the report:

The federal government has asked the Court to consider a challenge to a California law barring private employers who receive state money from using the funds to influence union organizing campaigns. The recommendation, filed on Friday in support of a Chamber of Commerce petition, argues that the National Labor Relations Act preempts the California statute, and that an en banc panel of the Ninth Circuit created a circuit split in holding otherwise. Click here to read the government brief, and the following links to read the petition, brief in opposition, and reply.

The law in question, enacted in September 2000, prohibits entities that receive state money from using the funds to “assist, promote, or deter union organizing,” including “any attempt of an employer to influence the decision of its employees” over whether to support or join a labor union. The Chamber of Commerce had successfully challenged the law in district court and before a Ninth Circuit panel before the en banc ruling.

Professor Paul Secunda, who writes at the Workplace Prof Blog, says (accurately in my view) "Look for the Court to grant [the appeal] and overturn the Ninth Circuit." 

Prof. Secunda also thinks that decision could have a detrimental effect on so-called "Worker Freedom Act" bills pending in state legislatures, including quite prominently our own. 

We know this employer gag-rule by the moniker "Union Neutrality" -- which in its broadest form has no "public funds" limitation -- and the state AFL-CIO has promised that passing it will be among its top 2008 legislative priorities.

We've discussed the issue at OBW, including here, here, and here, and very much look forward to the Supreme Court's decision whether to take the California case and resolve the preemption issue.   

October 20, 2007

McCain Joins the Health Care Debate

The stage really is set for health care to be a major issue in the 2008 presidential campaign. The latest candidate to offer a health care plan is Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz.

McCain's prescription for health care is very different from Hillary Clinton's top heavy, government-oriented plan, but it also contrasts greatly with those of his Republican rivals, Rudy Giuliani and Mitt Romney. Unlike Giuliani, Romney, and all of the Democrat candidates, McCain's focus is not on insuring more people. Instead, McCain's approach is to make health insurance more affordable:

From the Wall Street Journal (registration required): 

While the debate among the presidential candidates so far has focused on how to cover more people, Mr. McCain's strategy of attacking spiraling costs could provide a compelling argument for voters. The high cost of care affects all voters, the majority of whom have health insurance but may be frustrated with rising premiums, co-payments and other out-of-pocket costs....

Sen. McCain, who hasn't taken a leadership role on health in the past, has compiled a collection of cost-cutting ideas, many of which are supported by Democrats as well. His proposals include promoting generic drugs and biologics, supporting retail walk-in clinics at unconventional locations such as Wal-Mart Stores, and shifting some care to nurse practitioners because they are cheaper than doctors. The plan will also espouse setting national standards for measuring treatments and outcomes, and allowing doctors to practice medicine across state lines.

Mr. McCain would also use Medicare as a "lever" for pushing change in the rest of the health system by increasing payments, for instance, to better coordinate care, and cutting payments because of preventable errors and unnecessary hospitalizations.

His advisers acknowledged that some of these ideas won't be politically popular, but said Mr. McCain is eager to take on the opposition. Doctors and hospitals are likely to object to some of these proposals, though they are all within the mainstream of Republican thinking on health.

McCain may be onto something. According to the Journal:

Consensus is growing among academics that continued growth of health-care spending is unsustainable and that the U.S. must do something to bring costs under control. The U.S. government estimates health spending at 16% of the gross domestic product in 2006 and projects it to rise to 20% of total U.S. spending by 2015. The result could be that more small and medium-size businesses drop coverage for their employees.

The impact of increased spending on the federal government is also expected to be acute. Under current trends, the Congressional Budget Office projects that by 2050, spending on Medicare and Medicaid alone will eat up nearly one in four federal dollars. Any effort to subsidize health coverage for the uninsured would quickly be overwhelmed if health costs escalate faster than the government subsidies.

it will be interesting to see how this plays out over the course of the campaign. Here's an excerpt of the Healthcare Marketplace and Policy Review's response:

Like all of the other presidential health care proposals, this is a political proposal in outline form--well short on details.

We will need a great deal more detail than a few bullet points. But generally, Senator McCain has prompted many more questions than he has provided answers.

His program won't cost a lot since most of his spending comes from rearranging the existing tax exemption on employer-provided health insurance. But it is not at all clear how he would give the individual health insurance market the fundamental overhaul it would need to become the primary insurance market he would make it. Age rating, medical underwriting, and pre-existing conditions are on top of that list of overhaul questions.

He also needs to show us how a $5,000 tax credit will give a near-poor family enough assistance to buy a health insurance policy with meaningful benefits when the average cost of employer-provided care is $12,000 a year. Even HSA-style employer-based plans still develop costs in the $10,000 area. Cheaper plans are available to young and healthy people in the individual market but it will be the sick and old we will need to hear more about. Beware of claims that cheap individual insurance is already available--it is if you can pass medical underwriting.

He says that cost containment and improved quality are essential to a sustainable system--and he is clearly right on that point. But he has very little in the way of cost and quality improvement in his outline. The primary proposal here is to put providers at risk in Medicare by taking us back to the days when the market believed the same thing and unsuccessfully tried to implement capitation.

His system would also take many years to implement before it finally begins delivering the benefits he believes it has the potential to give us. How would he manage the transition and what would we do with 47 million uninsured in the meantime?

My sense is that his plan is a patchwork of largely good ideas. It is hard to see how he would focus a national initiative toward accomplishing so many disparate goals. Make no mistake, I am not suggesting the big government program he disdains. But I will suggest he needs a cohesive approach.

He makes a good point when he says we need to fix the cost and quality problems before we just load tens of millions more people on a dysfunctional system. OK. But he needs to fix the problems quickly or justify why so many have to wait outside the mainstream care system while the work is underway--perhaps for years.

The debate is on. Let us know what you think!

October 17, 2007

Paid Leave Task Force: Labor Reps Looking to Expand

This morning, the joint legislative task force on paid family leave held the third installment of its ongoing, free-floating symposium on the unanticipated complications and unintended consequences of this mammoth new mandate. 

Today's session combined a continued roundtable on which state agency ought to run the program (ESD?  L&I?) with a riff on how its $45 million per year cost ought to be funded (general taxes? payroll taxes? sin taxes?)

The best moment came when the labor representative on the task force, making a pitch to house the new entitlement in Labor & Industries, admitted that the long-term goal is to expand the program to other kinds of leaves beyond paid time off for the birth or adoption of child.  This point was reiterated by a rep from the state AFL-CIO, who in public testimony claimed L&I was the best agency in which to see the program grow and expand. 

Of course we've known about labor's designs all along, and have had a little fun with it now and then.  And we've certainly noted Gov. Schwarzenegger's veto this week of efforts to expand California's first-in-the-nation program.  But the question bears asking: with a task force apparently paralyzed by its inability to reach consensus on how to administer and fund the smallest increment of paid leave the legislature could support, is it appropriate to base decisions now on the assumption that the program will, and ought to, expand into difficult and contested areas of medical leave?

A memorandum to the task force from the Employment Security Department spells out the concern -- having to adjudicate medical claims will exponentially increase the already eye-popping cost of this mandate:

Both L&I and ESD have concerns about the possibility of expanding the scope of the new Family Leave Insurance Program.  The estimates provided by each agency are based on the legislation as passed, which limits the scope of the new program to leave taken for the birth of a child or for the adoption of a child.  Regardless of which agency is selected, the program will be built on the assumption that Family Leave Insurance claims will be straight-forward, with no medical certification involved.

... If the scope of the Family Leave program is expanded to later include medical leave, new assumptions would be required.

"New assumptions," in the context of bureaucratese, means "more costs."

Cost of Doing Business in Washington - We're #15

The Milken Institute annually publishes a "cost of doing business" index. Here's the latest ranking , released in August. In 2007, Washington ranks 15th, up two slots from 17th in 2006. (One is highest cost; 50, lowest.)

We're above the US average in wage costs, tax burden, industrial rent costs, and office rent. Our low energy costs once again significantly help our standing on the composite index.

Hawaii, New York, and Alaska rank 1, 2, and 3, respectively, unchanged from the previous year.